We are on the brink of brankruptcy

Interview with Socialist party chairman Attila Mesterházy

Despite the shrinking popularity of Viktor Orbán’s government, support for the fragmented opposition remains weak. The Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP) in particular is still suffering from the reputation it acquired for corruption, lying, procrastination and economic policy irresponsibility while in government between 2002 and 2010. Socialist party chairman Attila Mesterházy spoke to The Budapest Times about the rebuilding of the party, the “tyranny” of the governing majority in Parliament and the strategy adopted by the MSZP in the fight against the right-wing conservative ruling party Fidesz.

“It is a fatal character flaw of Viktor Orbán that he regards politics solely as a battle. The language of compromise is alien to him.”

– chairman of the Hungarian Socialist Party
Attila Mesterházy

Many experts take the view that your party, MSZP, paved the way, with its negligent economic policy and woeful performance in government, for the two-thirds majority enjoyed by Fidesz. Do you see yourself as responsible for what is happening in Hungary today under the government of Viktor Orbán?

It was certainly unfortunate that the left-liberal government of Ferenc Gyurcsány pursued a different policy after the 2006 general elections from that promised during the election campaign. As a result of the surging budget deficit in 2006 the government was forced to take drastic austerity measures. The defeat of the Socialists, however, was undoubtedly sealed by Gyurcsány’s speech in Balatonõszöd [in which the former prime minister admitted to having lied to voters for years]. When Gyurcsány resigned as prime minister in 2009 we decided, both for reasons of propriety and our responsibility towards the country, not to take flight in new elections but to continue on the thorny path that we had already embarked on. It was only natural for us to support the painful but necessary austerity measures of Gordon Bajnai’s government. We knew then that we would lose the 2010 elections in any case.

In 2010 the MSZP won barely more than 19 per cent of votes. Your party, which had won more than 40 per cent in 2006, was in ruins. How has the MSZP managed to get back on its feet since?

In light of our crushing election defeat some experts predicted that the Orbán government would be in power for 20 years. It was forecast that we would vanish from the political scene. Yet today we can see that the Socialists have managed to pick themselves up. A year and a half later we are essential to getting the Orbán government voted out. It’s worth recalling the first legislative term following the change of regime. The MSZP lost a quarter of its voters within two years. In the third year the poll results of the Socialists soared. Finally in the 1994 elections the MSZP collected 54 per cent of votes. If the party managed it then, why shouldn’t it be possible today?

The Socialists were still united at that time. In October 2011 former prime minister Ferenc Gyurcsány (2004-2009) and his platform left the MSZP to found their own party. Surely the MSZP cannot have benefited from that. Or has it?

After Gyurcsány and his platform split from the Socialist party, many believed that our members would leave in hordes. That is far from the case. Of the MSZP’s total 30,000 members not even 500 have gone over to Gyurcsány and his new party. Nor have we experienced a decline in voter support. Moreover there is much greater unity in the MSZP than before.

As party chairman are you not responsible when it comes to the splitting-off of the Gyurcsány platform?

No, I don’t believe so. The political conflicts were simply too great. Gyurcsány and his new party [Democratic Coalition (DK)] pursue a liberal course while we pursue a progressive, social democratic course. That, however, does not exclude future cooperation with Gyurcsány and his party.

Are you still on speaking terms with Gyurcsány?

The conflicts between us are not of a personal nature.

What is the situation regarding corruption in your party? The MSZP has a reputation as a hotbed of corruption.

That’s a serious and unfair stigma. I can count the number of corruption cases of my party on one hand. Please don’t misunderstand me. Of course even that is too much. Even while in opposition Fidesz managed to brand the MSZP as a corrupt party. It is still hard at work at that today. If one of our politicians parks wrongly on one occasion, the next day it will be on the front page of the newspapers that are close to the government. That’s why we have established stricter ethical norms within the party and we have made our finances more transparent. In addition we are pushing for the question of party financing in Hungary to be regulated satisfactorily, finally. However, every time such attempts have been rebuffed by Fidesz.

What strategy are your pursuing to get Viktor Orbán and his party voted out in 2014?

First we need to do our homework and strengthen the party. We are still in the rebuilding phase.

Is that process of rebuilding also associated with personnel changes?

Yes, of course. New, younger faces who may not be so well-known on a national level but have achieved a lot regionally will come into the foreground. I am thinking of various MSZP mayors.

And what will happen with the party’s older politicians who are no longer needed?

I have asked my long-serving party colleagues in leading positions to step back a little and to make way for the younger members. However, we will continue to rely on their experience.

Many experts feel that Fidesz can only be defeated by an alliance of opposition parties. What is your view?

I am an absolute supporter of an opposition alliance. In order to defeat Fidesz the opposition needs to put aside its party-political interests. That also applies to the question of fielding joint candidates. I must stress here, however, that my party rules out any cooperation with far-right party Jobbik.

Do you believe that an election victory against Fidesz is still possible given the new electoral law, which promises to put the governing party at a great advantage?

As long as the elections are secret any government can be voted out. I am increasingly sensing that a growing number of voters would like a political change. The new electoral law is disproportional and disadvantages small parties. It was created according to the “winner takes all” principle. It does not reflect the true will of the electorate.
However, regardless of the electoral law voters will punish Viktor Orbán and Fidesz in 2014 just as they punished us in 2010.

Do you share the opinion of many critics of the government that a dictatorship is being established?

I would describe it rather as a parliamentary dictatorship, as the tyranny of the parliamentary majority. I would like to illustrate that with a few examples. During the current legislative term not a single fact-finding committee has been set up on the initiative of the opposition because Fidesz has blocked such proposals every time. In the past year and a half not a single legislative initiative of the MSZP has been discussed in Parliament because Fidesz has simply prevented it. All democratic checks and balances to the power of the government have been removed or weakened. All resistance to the government is frustrated by administrative and legal means. The opposition and government-critical media are silenced.

How would you describe the state of the country?

We are on the brink of state bankruptcy. The “unorthodox economic policy” of the government has failed. Investors are treated with hostility, employers are in an extremely difficult situation and the country is threatened with a recession and growing unemployment.
On top of that, drastic austerity measures lie ahead, which will exacerbate the serious social tensions. The long string of economic policy blunders by the government has led to the country having to go begging to the International Monetary Fund for a bail-out loan.
The situation is no better on the foreign policy front. Since the government has picked fights on all fronts, Hungary is largely isolated today. It is a fatal character flaw of Viktor Orbán that he regards politics solely as a battle. The language of compromise is alien to him.

Viktor Orbán is striking conciliatory tones in Europe these days…

Yes but that is just a tactical retreat. His politics will not change, however much criticism comes from abroad. Instead he is using that criticism to style himself as the defender of the Hungarian people. He presents criticism from abroad to the public as though it were directed against the nation and not against his government and its policies. Orbán is acting as though he were a national hero singlehandedly defending the nation.

Budapest Times